By George Perkovich and James M. Acton, editors
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4. 2004. 10 Author interviews with officials in Washington and London, April, May and June 2007. 11 Sarkozy, ‘Presentation of SSBM [sic] Le Terrible’. French officials intended this speech, delivered at the launch of a French nuclear submarine, to be the new government’s major articulation of France’s nuclear policy. For an illuminating analysis of the speech, see Bruno Tertrais, ‘France and Nuclear Disarmament: The Meaning of the Sarkozy Speech’, Carnegie Proliferation Analysis, 1 May 2008. 1 Blair, ‘Parliamentary Statement on Trident’.
3, May–June 2007, pp. pdf. 20 Harold Brown, ‘New Nuclear Realities’, Washington Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 1, Winter 2007–08, pp. twq. pdf. 21 Wortzel, ‘China’s Nuclear Forces: Operations, Training, Doctrine, Command, Control and Campaign Planning’, p. viii. 22 Many states may today assume that US nonnuclear military superiority will continue indefinitely, but it should be remembered that history records the sudden decline of a number of great powers. American national-security officials and analysts may therefore worry about the durability of American military primacy in a world without nuclear weapons, as might states that now rely on US security guarantees.
168. arms-control treaty hitherto negotiated? Would not perfect, or at least unattainably good, verification therefore be needed in the final transition to zero? The so-called Wiesner curve (shown in Figure 1) might possibly be misleading for three reasons. Firstly, would the militarily significant quantity in a nuclear-weapons-free world actually be so small as to make verification unfeasible? Or, in plainer language, would a small cache of fissile materials or nuclear weapons, whether acquired by a ‘rogue state’ or a major power, really pose an unacceptable threat to international peace and security?